By Emily Anderson
Bringing jointly the paintings of best students of faith in imperial Japan and colonial Korea, this assortment addresses the complicated ways that faith served as a domain of contestation and negotiation between diverse teams, together with the Korean Choson court docket, the japanese colonial govt, representatives of other religions, and Korean and eastern societies. It considers the complicated non secular panorama in addition to the intersection of historic and political contexts that formed the spiritual ideals and practices of imperial and colonial matters, supplying a positive contribution to modern conflicts which are rooted in a contested knowing of a fancy and painful previous and the unresolved heritage of Japan’s colonial and imperial presence in Asia. faith is a severe point of the present controversies and their old contexts. studying the advanced and numerous ways in which the country, and jap and colonial topics negotiated non secular guidelines, practices, and ministries in an try and delineate those “imperial relationships," this leading edge textual content sheds huge mild at the precedents to present resources of tension.
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Additional info for Belief and Practice in Imperial Japan and Colonial Korea
In other words, the petitioners argued that it was impossible to elicit sincere shrine belief (jinja shinkō ) among Koreans without enshrining such a representative spiritual entity in the shrine. Some interpret this type of “theology” as an effort to respect local culture,21 but ultimately, it cannot be an exaggeration to argue that this also emerged out of a pragmatic attitude that considered which deity would facilitate integrating and assimilating Koreans. In addition, at the colonial shrines that predated Chō sen jingū—Sapporo jinja (1871), Taiwan jinja (1900), Karafuto jinja (1910)—in addition to “Ō namuchi (Ō kunimeshi)” and “Sukunahikona,” both considered pioneer gods of STATE SHINTO POLICY IN COLONIAL KOREA 29 the land, an abstract amalgamation of the gods of the land called “Ō kuni tama no kami” was enshrined, and together were thought of as the three gods of the frontier.
Epitomized by the Meirokusha, or Meiji Six Society, and its public debates, these conversations recursively returned to concerns about the relationship between the imperial institution and the realm of belief. ”26 At the same time, Nishi and his interlocutors were unanimous in insisting upon the need to regulate and reform the attitudes and beliefs of a population imagined to be benighted and backward. These two needs— safeguarding the prestige of the imperial institution by holding it aloof while intervening in the beliefs and practices of the people—defined the conceptual frontline of the religion problem through the 1870s.
37. Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs, 219. 38. For a brief discussion of religious chaplains in the context of the Meiji-era penal system, see Daniel Botsman, Punishment and Power in the Making of Modern Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), 191–193. E. MAXEY 39. ” Idem, “Hokkaido Buddhism,” 546. 40. Hwansoo Ilmee Kim, Empire of the Dharma: Korean and Japanese Buddhism, 1877–1912 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2012). 41. , 318–324. 42. : Torakuto kankokai, 1912), np.