By Martin I. Wayne
China’s battle on terror is between its so much favorite and least understood of campaigns. With hyperlinks to the worldwide jihad, an indigenous insurgency threatens the government’s grip on a major zone of north- western China referred to as Xinjiang. Riots, bombings, ambushes, and assassinations have rocked the area below separatist and Islamist banners. China acted early and forcefully, and even supposing brutal, their efforts symbolize one of many few successes within the international fight opposed to Islamist terrorism.
The effectiveness of this crusade has raised questions concerning even if China really confronts a terrorist hazard. during this booklet, in accordance with broad fieldwork, Martin Wayne investigates China’s counterinsurgency attempt, highlighting the good fortune of an strategy concentrated on reshaping neighborhood society and executive associations. while, he increases the query of what the us are able to examine from China’s process, and argues that as very important a case as Xinjiang should be totally tested to ensure that terrorism to be defeated.
This publication might be of curiosity to scholars of China, Asian politics, terrorism and protection experiences in general.
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Additional info for China's War on Terrorism: Counter-Insurgency, Politics and Internal Security (Asian Security Studies)
That is, do the nature, interests, and values of the state change through the struggle, even if an insurgency is effectively countered? 2 Insurgency in Xinjiang East Turkistan’ terrorist organizations pose a grave threat to people’s lives and property, and are an important part of international terrorist forces (People’s Daily, 12/18/2003) Indigenous actors have used violence within Xinjiang in the attempt to alter the political wills of both the core and local societies. These indigenous actors worked alone and in groups, and some pursued assistance, ideological and material, from external actors.
From a bottom-up perspective effecting insurgents’ political will means getting society to reject the insurgency, if not its aspirations (though as noted above, if an episode of insurgency, a rebellion, is put down and its ideas persist there is no guarantee that the insurgency will not rise anew when a new opportunity or vulnerability is perceived). Society must perceive the state as the unquestioned victor and the source of future hopes. When individuals tie their future to the state’s project, when society’s elements can form and re-form coalitions unhindered by security dilemma logic – absent the fear for physical or cultural survival – and when society becomes an overlapping, interwoven matrix of myriad interactions of competition and cooperation, the state has defeated the insurgency.
In reality, the insurgency in Xinjiang is primarily an indigenous affair. Uyghurs have pursued the assistance of powerful external actors, Islamist and western, yet this effort does not negate their primary intent: fighting the Chinese in Xinjiang. While insurgency has been endemic in Xinjiang throughout the region’s modern history (including variously termed revolts, rebellions, revolutions, and jihads), the present insurgency is historically contingent, connected, and unique. Where some scholars currently assert the primacy of China’s disingenuous policies of ethnic “autonomy” in Xinjiang in triggering revolts32 and others assert that violence has erupted as a result of security forces’ excesses, this study asserts that these are important pieces of a larger picture.