By By (author) L. Britt Snider
This can be a examine of the CIA's dating with Congress. It encompasses the interval from the production of the enterprise until eventually 2004 - the period of the DCIs. whilst Congress created a brand new place in December 2004 - the director of nationwide intelligence - to supersede the director of vital intelligence (DCI) as head of the U.S. Intelligence group, it unavoidably replaced the dynamic among the CIA and the Congress. whereas the director of the supplier could proceed to symbolize its pursuits on Capitol Hill, she or he may now not communicate because the head folks intelligence. whereas 2008 is simply too early to evaluate how this variation will impact the Agency's courting with Congress, it truly is secure to assert it is going to by no means be relatively an analogous.
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Extra info for Congress and the CIA (Intelligence and Counterintelligence Studies Series)
Each internal reexamination, however, always resulted in the same position: vehement opposition to a joint committee. The model that both the reformers and the CIA had to work with in these early days provides part of the explanation. Congress had created the Joint Atomic Energy Committee (JAEC) in 1946 to be its watchdog over the US atomic energy program, which, like the CIA, was considered a sensitive area for congressional oversight. Unlike other joint committees, the JAEC was given legislative authority to report bills to the floors of both houses and, among other things, was charged with oversight of, and authorizing appropriations for, the Atomic Energy Commission.
Dulles’s efforts to cultivate the subcommittees continued into the following year, but more often than not his efforts to have the subcommittees hold hearings were met with indifference. They were “fully occupied” with other matters, the staff of the HASC subcommittee told him. 60 THE ISSUE OF GAO AUDITS: 1959–62 The General Accounting Office (GAO) was an arm of the Congress used to conduct audits and performance reviews of executive branch agencies, but its authority to audit the expenditures of the CIA (or conduct performance reviews) was not made clear in the charter of either agency.
Seemingly, from the standpoint of reformers, combining oversight of the CIA into a single committee would reduce, rather than increase, the amount of oversight the Agency was getting. Similarly, one would expect the Agency to find dealing with one committee preferable to dealing with four, not only to reduce the potential for damaging leaks but also to alleviate the burden of keeping multiple committees informed. In fact, Agency records reflect that it did seriously consider whether a joint committee might better serve its interests when Mansfield first raised the idea in 1953.