By Anita Haya Patterson
This ebook strains a provocative line from Emerson's paintings on race, reform, and id to paintings through 3 influential African- American thinkers--W. E. B. Du Bois, Martin Luther King Jr., and Cornel West--each of whom deals sophisticated engagement with either the culture of written protest and the critique of liberalism Emerson formed. Emerson has been forged in contemporary debate as both an antinomian or an ideologue--as both subversive of institutional controls or indebted to capitalism. right here, Patterson contributes a extra nuanced view, probing Emerson's list and its cultural and old matrix to rfile a primary rhetoric of contradiction--a strategic aligning of adversarial political concepts--that enabled him to either verify and critique components of the liberal democratic version. Drawing richly on themes in political philosophy, legislations, faith, and cultural background, Patterson examines the character and implications of Emerson's contradictory rhetoric in elements I and II. partly III she considers Emerson's legacy from the point of view of African-American highbrow historical past, making a choice on clean continuities and the most important discontinuities among the canonical pressure of protest writing Emerson helped determine and African-American literary and philosophical traditions.
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Extra resources for From Emerson to King: Democracy, Race, and the Politics of Protest
Observing that "it may be said that not until recently have publics been conscious that they were publics" (TPP, 77), Dewey concludes that the primary problem of the public is one of achieving recognition of itself so as to acquire influence in the process of selecting representatives and defining their responsibilities and rights. Like Mill and Dewey, in Representative Men, Emerson repeatedly emphasizes the importance of what he calls "full" expression. But he is always unclear as to precisely where this full expression takes place—whether such moments of expression are, properly speaking, private, social, or public.
21 These combined efforts on the part of apologists to establish a conceptually coherent, legitimate framework for proslavery thought led, in 1860, to the publication of Cotton Is King and Proslavery Arguments, a widely disseminated collection of proslavery classics edited by E. N. Elliott. "23 In response to the resulting crisis in the referential capacities of rights discourse, one of the first tasks of abolitionist writers such as William Ellery Channing was to question the doctrine of property in persons.
The sole cause of value"32 In an 1836 treatise titled Public and Private Economy, Theodore Sedgwick set forth a critique that entailed the construction of a new category of labor—labor "for the mind"—that purportedly sanctified economy as a religious and moral sciThere is still another distinction between man and the lower orders of beings, and this is the greatest of all, that he labours for the mind and thus while he is laying up treasures on earth he may also by a right use of them, "lay up treasures in heaven" also.