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Download Movement theory of control by Norbert Hornstein; Maria Polinsky PDF

By Norbert Hornstein; Maria Polinsky

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The MTC requires that postverbal DPs in sentences like (32) pattern like indirect objects. Given the MTC, the postverbal DP cannot intervene if the subject control reading is to be generated. Thus, it is a direct consequence of the MTC that these postverbal DPs should pattern like objects of prepositions and not like direct objects. That is, to put matters tendentiously, what we observe to be the case is what the MTC predicts. The same cannot be said for more conventional approaches, which stipulate the antecedents of PRO via ad hoc diacritics that annotate the argument structure of embedding verbs (as in Jackendoff & Culicover 2003; Culicover & Jackendoff 2005).

Thus we conclude that the PIC application requires a modification in the context of control into CP-infinitives. 3 2. f. Chomsky (2000, 1999/2001). 3.

B. There were Malay visitors inquired. (4) a. *There were inquired how to be Malay visitors welcomed. b. There were likely to be Malay visitors welcomed These examples indicate that some condition on movement other than Relativised Minimality, invoked in Hornstein (2003) and Boeckx & Hornstein (2004), must be at stake. What could this condition be? Apparently the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC) makes the right cut; it blocks a non-local movement of the expletive from the embedded [spec, T] to matrix [spec, T], or Agree from the matrix T, across the CP phase in (4a) but not in (4b), where no CP-introduces the embedded clause: Movement Theory of Control and CP-infinitives in Polish  (5) Phase Impenetrability Condition (Chomsky 1999/2001: 10): The domain of H is not accessible to operations at ZP, but only H and its edge, where ZP is the last strong phase and the edge consists of specifiers.

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